There is little evidence in previous French Presidential elections of the single debate between the two finalists having much effect on the result. The debate in 2012 between François Hollande and Nicolas Sarkozy seemed to confirm the result several days later – Sarkozy seemed already to have accepted that his defeat was inevitable. In 2007, Sarkozy and Ségolène Royal never seemed to be a fair match, as Sarkozy rode high in the polls and in steering around Royal’s scattergun approach to the issues.
Wednesday night’s debate was very different. Whilst in 2012 the debate was often dull and plodding, this debate offered some shocking moments. It was sometimes difficult to hear the candidates over their shouting at each other. The two moderators were largely ignored (and looked thoroughly miserable throughout. This was not a great debate on the issues that we might have hoped for. But, if the final polls released today are to be believed, it might have changed quite a few minds. Continue reading
The French electoral process is designed to whittle down a field of candidates to two finalists in a second round. It is therefore odd that the second round campaign is full of speculation about the tactics of unlucky candidates who found themselves knocked out on the night of 23 April.
But speculation about the strategy of various political groupings who fall by the wayside has been rife. Partly, this is because even rolling news channels can get sick of a diet of just Emmanuel Macron and Marine Le Pen, but fundamentally the race for the Legislative elections, where the French will choose new members of the National Assembly on 11 and 18 June (yes, two rounds again), is hoving into view. Whilst the President presides, his government needs to secure a majority in the National Assembly. Who wins on 7 May is therefore only one piece of the constitutional puzzle. Continue reading
The campaign for the second round is different to the first round, encapsulated by the expression: in the first round voters choose, in the second round voters eliminate. The first round often sees candidates pitch to their respective bases, hoping to get over 20% (at which point qualification to the second round becomes more likely); the second round, where 50.1% is needed to win, is often a campaign for national unity. No electoral college nor first past the post constituency votes get in the way of the need to score a majority of the popular vote.
As a result, the second round can seem oddly disconnected from the first, an example being Nicolas Sarkozy’s unsuccessful second round campaign in 2012, where he lurched wildly to the right with speeches and policies that would not have been out of place in Marine Le Pen’s manifesto. His rightward shift may have turned off a sufficient number of centrists and independents to hand victory to François Hollande. Hollande’s job in 2012, once he had rallied the majority of the left to his cause (a job he did by March), was not to be Sarkozy. Thus he was hobbled early on by a chunk of his support consisting of anti-Sarkozy protest votes.
This year, despite the top two finalists having been long predicted by the polls, there was an eerie sense of surprise and relief on the night of 23 April. Macron’s stilted and overly confident speech and Le Pen’s brazen nationalism left many feeling unsettled. The prospects for a real substantive debate during the two weeks allowed for the second round campaign seemed slim. Continue reading
A candidate for the French presidency should not be able to win with 20% of the vote – the two round system is specifically designed to ensure that 50% plus one vote is the minimum threshold for the winner. Yet 20% is the magic number this year, for any candidate above that in the first round held this coming Sunday will almost certainly go through to the second round two weeks later. And if a candidate finds themselves against Marine Le Pen in the second round, they will probably be the next President.
For the last two weeks, four candidates have consistently polled around or above 20%, all of whom are currently within four percentage points of each other – effectively within a broad margin of error. Who gets through out of the four is anyone’s guess only four days out. How did we get here? Continue reading
Since the impressively well-organised demonstrations against equal marriage in Paris November and January last, there has been a worrying radicalisation of the anti-equal marriage movement. Around the opponents of this one issue have has developed a heteroclite range of different right-wing extremist groups who are using the issue both to recruit members and to conduct a wider political attack against the new socialist administration.
The development of these movements has been facilitated by the reticence of those on the right to criticise their behaviour. Both the UMP and the National Front have used these new extremist organisations as their frontline in an aggressive new form of opposition to Francois Hollande and his government. How has an impeccably democratic country come to have an opposition which relies on quasi-paramilitary forces in order to advance its criticisms of the government today? Continue reading